Net Overseas Migration

Australia's Record Migration Numbers Hide a Quieter Story, and You Deserve to See It Properly

What the Net Overseas Migration figures show.

14 September 202611 min readBy Anna Dobos
Australia's Record Migration Numbers Hide a Quieter Story, and You Deserve to See It Properly

TL;DR: Australia's 538,000 net overseas migration (NOM) figure for 2022-23 looks alarming in isolation. In context, it is a post-pandemic catch-up spike sitting on top of the worst migration collapse since World War I, and it has since fallen for seven consecutive quarters. The composition of who is arriving matters far more than the headline number for your personal planning.

  • Australia's NOM peaked at 538,000 in 2022-23, driven primarily by historically low departures, not unusually high arrivals.
  • The prior year saw NOM fall to negative 85,000, the lowest since World War I, because of the nearly two-year border closure.
  • By 2024-25, NOM had already moderated to 306,000 and continues to fall.
  • Measured as a share of population, the recent surge resembles earlier transformative periods rather than an unprecedented break.
  • The composition of migration, who is arriving and on what visa, matters more than the raw number for both policy and personal planning.

What Is Net Overseas Migration, and Why Does the Definition Matter?

You have probably seen the headline figure by now. Australia's net overseas migration (NOM) reached 538,000 people between 2022 and 2023, an all-time high in raw numbers. As someone who reads immigration data for a living, I want to walk you through what that number actually measures, because the way it is being discussed in public debate strips away nearly all of the nuance that matters for your decisions.

NOM is a simple calculation with complicated consequences. It counts everyone who arrives in Australia for an extended period, subtracts everyone who leaves, and includes Australian citizens in both directions. When you understand that composition, the record starts to look rather different from the panic it has generated.

Key Point: NOM is arrivals minus departures, including Australian citizens, which means it measures population movement, not immigration alone.

How Did the Pandemic Create Both the Trough and the Peak?

Two years before the record high, Australia recorded something it had not seen in decades. In 2020-21, the country lost a net 85,000 people, the first negative NOM since 1946 and the lowest level since the First World War. The border closure lasted nearly two years, and it froze arrivals almost completely whilst temporary residents continued to leave or stay in limbo.

When the borders reopened, the pent-up movement arrived all at once. Citizens came home, students returned, and deferred visa grants converted into actual arrivals within a compressed window. Therefore, the 538,000 figure is a catch-up spike layered on top of a historic collapse, which means reading it as a permanent new normal misreads the mechanics entirely.

The data since then supports this reading. NOM has moderated for seven consecutive quarters, falling to 306,000 in 2024-25, down from 429,000 the year before. If you smooth the past five years into an average, you land at roughly 280,000 per year, which sits close to the trend Australia has run since the mid-2000s.

Key Point: The record high and the record low are two sides of the same pandemic event, not two separate trends.

Does a Raw Number or a Population Share Tell You More?

Here is the detail that is commonly overlooked in the public conversation. Migration experts, including Alan Gamlen of the Australian National University's Migration Hub and Anna Boucher of the University of Sydney, prefer to measure NOM as a share of the existing population rather than as an absolute count. A movement of 10,000 people into a population of 2 million reshapes communities and infrastructure far more than the same movement into a population of 27 million.

Viewed through that lens, the recent surge looks significant and fast, and it also looks familiar. The colonial era, the post-war decades, and the Howard-era expansion all produced proportional inflows of comparable transformative weight. By 1891, high immigration meant 32 per cent of the population was overseas-born, a level of change modern Australia has never approached.

"Obviously the whole total human population was much smaller in the middle of the 19th century, and so a movement of 10,000 people at that time was far more significant than a movement of 10,000 people today. So you really need to consider both.", Alan Gamlen, Australian National University

There is one genuine departure from the historical pattern worth your attention. Research from the e61 Institute notes that since 2006, migration has exceeded 1 per cent of Australia's total population on multiple occasions, even before COVID, a threshold the country rarely breached even during the migration-friendly post-war period. That figure remains broadly comparable to the post-war average and well below the post-war peak, whilst also sitting high against almost every other liberal democracy.

Key Point: Population share is the more meaningful metric, and by that measure, Australia's recent migration sits in historically familiar territory, with one genuine exception after 2006.

How Did Australia Build This Migration System?

The structure you navigate today has deep roots, and understanding them helps you understand why the rules move the way they do. Federation in 1901 brought the Immigration Restriction Act, which became known as the White Australia Policy, and migration slowed for half a century, interrupted further by two world wars and a Depression that pushed unemployment to nearly 32 per cent.

The post-war era rewired everything. Arthur Calwell, appointed as Australia's first immigration minister in July 1945, coined the phrase "populate or perish", and the population grew from roughly 7.4 million in 1945 to almost 13 million by 1970. The overseas-born share of the population had fallen to a low of 10 per cent in 1947, then rose rapidly as European migration schemes expanded and multiculturalism took hold through the 1960s onwards.

The Howard Shift: The Rise of the Temporary Visa

From about 2001, the system changed shape in a way that still defines it. Under John Howard, the main permanent and temporary work visa categories grew from 162,564 in 1995-96 to 439,518 in 2007-08, with most of the growth coming from temporary visas. Working holiday visas gained a second-year extension, student visas surged, and international students gained pathways to apply for permanent residence from within Australia.

I am starting to see this period as the true origin of today's debate. Temporary visas gave governments a flexible workforce at both ends of the skills spectrum, covering highly skilled roles with domestic shortages alongside seasonal agriculture, aged care and domestic care. Until ministerial caps arrived only recently, international student migration ran uncapped across governments of both persuasions.

Key Point: The Howard era's expansion of temporary visas, not recent policy alone, laid the structural foundation for today's elevated NOM figures.

Why Did Departures, Not Arrivals, Drive the Record?

This is the finding that reshapes the whole picture, and it deserves far more attention than it receives. Break NOM into its two components and the arrivals side looks unremarkable, averaging 507,000 per year across the past five years, in line with the preceding pattern. Departures, meanwhile, have sat at historic lows.

People have simply been slow to leave. Many temporary visa holders received extensions during the pandemic, and the e61 Institute's Lachlan Vass observes that "temporary migrants are becoming more and more permanently temporary over time", a structural detail of the system that genuinely needs attention. When you hear "record migration", the honest translation is "roughly expected arrivals, unexpectedly low departures".

Key Point: Arrivals were broadly normal. The record was built on the departure side, and that distinction changes the entire policy conversation.

What Is the Right Migration Number?

You will encounter fierce disagreement on the target figure, and the honesty of experts here is refreshing. Treasury forecasts NOM falling to 225,000 by 2028, although migration has significantly overshot these forecasts in recent years. One Nation has proposed 130,000 amid internal dispute, the Coalition intends to tie migration to housing construction without a set target, and the government's own tightening announcement was postponed at the last minute.

The expert range is narrower than the political one. Gamlen calculates that compensating for Australia's ageing population requires somewhere between 160,000 and 240,000 arrivals per year, since every retiree needs one worker to replace their job and another to provide their care. Vass argues for a ceiling of 1 per cent of population per year, currently about 280,000, on the basis that setting any clear target forces the system to confront its trade-offs honestly.

Business groups add a warning worth weighing. Skilled migration underpins the workforce in housing, infrastructure, manufacturing, health and aged care, and the Australian Industry Group is urging the government to explain that link to voters, more than half of whom currently tell pollsters the rates are too high.

Key Point: Expert consensus clusters between 160,000 and 280,000 per year; the political debate ranges far more widely, because the trade-offs are rarely stated plainly.

Why Is Composition the Question Nobody Is Asking?

Here is where the debate takes a wrong turn, and where your own planning benefits from sharper thinking. NOM tells you nothing about who is inside the flow. Some of it is Australian citizens coming home, some of it is temporary skilled workers, students, working holiday makers and New Zealanders, and each group carries entirely different implications for the economy and for the visa settings you will face.

The signs of that recalibration are already visible. Student visa arrivals fell 25 per cent, from 278,000 in 2022-23 to 207,000 in 2023-24, after the government lifted English-language and financial requirements. The system is tightening around composition, and quietly, which means the pathway that exists today will not automatically exist next year.

For you, if you are a skilled professional weighing a move, this is the practical takeaway. Governments under pressure to cut a headline number tend to preserve the streams that fill genuine workforce shortages whilst squeezing everything else. Understanding where you sit within the composition, rather than within the headline, is what turns a maze into a plan.

Key Point: The headline NOM figure tells you almost nothing useful for personal planning, the composition within it tells you almost everything.

Frequently Asked Questions

What is Australia's net overseas migration (NOM)?

NOM is the difference between the number of people arriving in Australia for an extended period and the number departing. It includes Australian citizens travelling in both directions, not only immigrants.

Why did Australia's NOM reach a record high in 2022-23?

The 538,000 peak was a catch-up effect. The near-two-year border closure during COVID produced a historic low of negative 85,000 in 2020-21. When borders reopened, deferred arrivals, returning citizens, and converted visa grants arrived within a compressed window, producing the apparent spike.

Has Australia's migration rate returned to normal since the peak?

NOM has moderated for seven consecutive quarters, falling from 538,000 in 2022-23 to 306,000 in 2024-25. The five-year average of roughly 280,000 per year sits close to Australia's mid-2000s trend.

Is the current migration rate historically unusual?

Measured as a share of population, it is broadly comparable to earlier transformative periods such as the colonial era and the post-war decades. The genuinely new development is that since 2006, migration has exceeded 1 per cent of population on multiple occasions, a threshold rarely breached in earlier eras.

What drove the record NOM, arrivals or departures?

Departures drove it. Arrivals averaged roughly 507,000 per year, in line with prior patterns. What changed is that far fewer people left, because temporary visa holders received pandemic extensions and have been slow to depart since.

How many migrants does Australia need each year?

Experts estimate between 160,000 and 280,000 per year to sustain workforce levels and support an ageing population. The political debate ranges far more widely, from 130,000 to no fixed target at all.

Which visa categories are being tightened?

Student visas have already tightened significantly, arrivals fell 25 per cent in one year after the government raised English-language and financial requirements. The broader system is recalibrating around composition, with skilled and workforce-critical streams being preserved whilst others are squeezed.

What does this mean for skilled professionals considering a move to Australia?

Governments under headline pressure tend to protect visa streams that address genuine workforce shortages. If you are in a field with documented shortages, health, infrastructure, trades, technology, your pathway is more durable than the headline number suggests. The composition of your application matters far more than the overall NOM figure.

The Recap: What the Numbers Actually Say

Let me leave you with the map of the terrain. The record 538,000 NOM figure was a post-closure catch-up sitting on top of the first negative year since 1946, and the number has since fallen for seven straight quarters to 306,000. Measured against population size, the surge resembles earlier transformative periods rather than an unprecedented break, although the post-2006 pattern of exceeding 1 per cent of population is genuinely new territory. The rise came primarily from historically low departures rather than from unusual arrivals, and the composition within the flow, largely ignored in public debate, is where both national outcomes and your personal visa strategy are decided. The headline number will keep dominating the argument, and the people who read beneath it will keep making better decisions.

Key Takeaways

  • Australia's 538,000 NOM peak in 2022-23 was a post-pandemic catch-up, not a structural new normal, and it has since fallen for seven consecutive quarters. = The prior year's negative 85,000 NOM was the lowest since World War I, because the border closure lasted nearly two years. = Measured as a share of population, recent migration is historically familiar, though the post-2006 pattern of exceeding 1 per cent of population is a genuine departure from earlier norms.
  • Departures, not arrivals, drove the record. Arrivals were broadly in line with historical trends; departures sat at historic lows.
  • Expert consensus on a sustainable annual NOM target clusters between 160,000 and 280,000, well below the political debate's extremes.
  • The composition of who is arriving, by visa category and purpose, matters far more than the headline figure for both policy outcomes and personal planning.
  • Skilled professionals in workforce-shortage fields are better insulated from headline-driven tightening than the raw NOM debate suggests.

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